The Daily Exchange: Will "Tea Party" comparison resonate with voters?

Elections are debated by political junkies, but decided by ordinary voters. Political junkies themselves, campaign operatives sometimes forget the audience.

Consider the Liberals' Tea Party obsession. Liberal spokespeople constantly label the PC leader and candidates as Tea Party lookalikes or wannabes. Liberal missives and messages use the Tea Party epithet almost as often as they push the foreign-worker policy. Dalton McGuinty did both, comparing Tim Hudak to the Tea Party while defending affirmative action for foreign workers.

Most political junkies have views on the "Tea Party." But few junkies are undecided. Conversely, ordinary voters aren't moved by the Tea-Party-tirade.

The Liberal brain trust assumes "Tea Party" is commonly understood – not among politicos and downtown elites, but among ordinary people – to be synonymous with extreme, unpalatable views. That may be true in elite jargon, but not mainstream Ontario discourse.

Ordinary Ontarians don't watch Meet the Press. They don't hang on every development in U.S. politics. Michele Bachmann and Dennis Kucinich aren't household names in mainstream Ontario.

Ordinary Ontarians don't respond viscerally on hearing "Tea Party" because it's not relevant to them.

My son is reading a series of books written in the voice of a hamster who cringes at the thought of a cat. The narrator's terror amuses young readers, because they don't experience cats the way rodents do. For the hamster, the word "cat" is laden with emotion; not so for grade schoolers.

Similarly, "Tea Party" doesn't carry emotional weight with ordinary voters the way it affects the political junkies running the McGuinty campaign.

One Liberal mastermind keeps repeating "teabag" and "teabagger" – more insider jargon meaningless to mainstream voters.

Ontarians who barely think about the Tea Party won't respond emotionally to "teabag." Conversely, every Ontarian who associates "teabag" with "Tea Party" is already decided in this election. Guaranteed.

Will Liberal insiders stop bleating "Tea Party" and start speaking to ordinary people? Like hamsters writing about cats, they can't resist instinct.

- Guy Giorno, former chief of staff to Mike Harris and Stephen Harper

 

Response from Erika Mozes, former senior adviser to George Smitherman and Gerard Kennedy:

Ordinary voters do decide the outcomes of elections.

Guy's piece points to a significant change that has been occurring in election campaigns in Canada. He describes it in one manner - but allow me to argue the alternative, the dumbing down of our political discourse.

I worked on the City of Toronto mayoral campaign (a losing battle). I witnessed a shift in political communications. Repeat a populist message over and over which resonates and the "ordinary voter" will vote for you. I'd argue that both Stephen Harper successfully, and Tim Hudak currently, are using this model of populist communications.

Guy talks about ordinary voters and how they don't resonate with the "tea party" brand because they don't watch meet the press and aren't "downtown elites." These comments discredit Ontarians. It writes off a whole swath of the population because of a geographic area, and assumes that "ordinary voters" do not follow current events. Regardless, the whole premise of the "tea party" in the US are "ordinary people" who are organizing themselves on the right side of the political spectrum.

Why are the Liberals using the line? The "tea party" movement is associated with right wing politics, which is what the Liberals want voters to think about while considering their vote. Do you want a check on Stephen Harper and Rob Ford, or do you want a trifecta of blue power.

As for the "foreign-worker" policy let me clarify, the tax credit being referenced is for Canadian citizens. Tim Hudak calls new Canadians "foreign" in this regard – Liberals consider them Canadians. The ratio of foreign educated Canadians who have achieved work in their professionally trained field is one in four, mainly because of arduous certification processes necessary to practice in these fields. The tax credit being proposed by the Liberals is to help these new Canadians achieve their accreditation.

Dalton McGuinty's message is focused on the positive, how do we continue to build on Ontario's successes and move forward. The politics being argued here divide and pits "ordinary voters" vs "downtown elites." I believe all voters, regardless of their geographic location or background, should be considered with the same amount respectful communication.

 

Response from Jeffrey Ferrier, former communications director for the Ontario NDP

As a Dad, when I hear the words "tea party," I think about playtime with my daughter and son. You know, sharing imaginary Earl Grey, crumpets and finger sandwiches. Lots of dainty talk. Quality time with our teddy bear friends. For me, tea party doesn't inspire fright. And it sure doesn't make me want to run into the open arms of Dalton McGuinty.

It's almost inevitable for campaign teams to lose sight of their audience from time to time. This is what happens when you sequester people in dark smelly rooms for 30 straight days, pump them full of Red Bull and pizza, make them work 18-hour days, subject them to a steady diet of TV news and Twitter, and give them no-one to talk to but each other. It's pretty easy to lose perspective.

But as I mentioned in yesterday's exchange, I think there's more to the "Tea Party Tim" and "Taxman" name-calling than campaigns losing sight of their audiences. It's campaign strategy. Sliming your opponents to try and suppress their vote is a key part of the U.S.-style campaigns that both the Liberals and PC Party are running (as today's Star editorial cartoon demonstrates well).

So what is a voter to do?

Maybe they should check out what's behind the orange door.

Take today for example. Andrea Horwath is focused on one of this campaign's critical issues: Jobs.

Her message: We can get the economy going and more people working, but first we have to stop the games, and start focusing on the solutions.

Horwath's solution: A Job Creation Tax Credit. It recognizes that the best way to help new Canadians, or Canadians who have been here for generations find a job is to create more jobs.

Here's how it works. Rather than doling out no-strings-attached corporate tax giveaways, rather than setting up divisive job schemes, let's reward employers who create a job for an out-of-work Ontarian. Any out-of-work Ontarian. No matter who they are. What they do. Or where they come from. New Democrats estimate their plan will create 80,000 jobs over four years.

That's different. That's fair. That's change that puts people first.

The Daily Exchange: McGuinty has nothing to apologize for

A friend recently messaged me to tell me why he liked Premier Dalton McGuinty - he summed it up with I like “leaders who are unapologetic.”  It worked for Prime Minister Stephen Harper in the spring campaign, but will it work for Premier Dalton McGuinty?

The Premier for the past year has been talking about tough choices. He has been Premier for the past eight years, at the helm during very tumultuous times. First, he was elected on a platform of “change” (i.e. improve services which have deteriorated) only to inherit  a $5.6-billion deficit. He could have taken the easy route and done nothing, but instead he implemented a very unpopular health care premium. But really that was last election’s story and Ontarians overwhelmingly forgave him for it – he was re-elected with a majority (with a major assist by John Tory’s catastrophic proposal to fund faith based schools).

On education, however, there is no need for apologies. Arguably, the Premier made the tough choice of raising taxes in that first term to invest in education. The party’s brain trust knows that education is a solid accomplishment of this government. Ontarians who were in high school during the Mike Harris “create a crisis” era can now send their own kids back to school without the threat of labour unrest. For the first time, Ontario has a full-day Kindergarten program. Class sizes for primary grades are smaller, crumbling schools have been rebuilt, physical education and music programs are now considered staples instead of frills, test scores are way up, and more kids are graduating.

Now, add to that record the Liberals' big election goody: a 30% grant for post-secondary students, aimed squarely at middle class parents worried about how to pay for college or university. Multiply all of it by the cash, organizational and reputational muscle of Ontario’s teachers’ unions, and you’ll understand why Dalton McGuinty will try to keep education in the front window for the remainder of the campaign. At this point in the campaign, it even appears the opposition parties have ceded the education-turf to the Liberals.  The NDP has yet to release a plan for education, and the PC Party surely wants to stay away from the issue based on their past record. Further, Tim Hudak’s flip flop on the cost of full day kindergarten leaves him vulnerable on the issue. 

So what is Premier being unapologetic for? Investing in education? For leading Ontario through a severe global financial crisis and a rising Canadian dollar? The latter could have crippled the Province, yet Ontario has thrived far more than other economies. The HST was a big part of the economy’s recovery – and another tough choice. My friend’s exact words were, “I find it interesting that McGuinty has to defend an agenda that is the envy of almost every other economy in the world.” I agree. Further, McGuinty’s education platform is more than just sound tactics and strategy. The best investment we can make as a province is a highly educated and skilled work force in order to better compete with growing economies like China and India. 

The Premier very well may have to apologize again for taxes, but I do not believe that he has to apologize for being at the head of the electoral class on education and stabilizing and growing an economy which was hit with global pressures. 

- Erika Mozes, former senior adviser to George Smitherman and Gerard Kennedy

 

Response from Guy Giorno, former chief of staff to Mike Harris and Stephen Harper:

Erika suggests several reasons to re-elect Dalton McGuinty but I don’t think anyone heard them yesterday. The Liberal campaign revolves around the tax incentive for foreign workers.

I must confess that don’t understand the Liberals’ foreign-workers strategy. I don’t appreciate the rationale for the policy. And I really don’t understand why the Liberal brain trust has decided to make foreign workers the centrepiece of the McGuinty re-election.

Communication is everything in a campaign. Funny thing is, despite so much chatter about foreign workers, the Liberals have failed to explain the reason for the incentive – failed to articulate the rationale in clear, straightforward prose that speaks to ordinary voters.

I am thinking of ordinary voters like the one million Ontarians without access to a family doctor. These families would welcome a policy that takes foreign-trained physicians out of menial jobs and puts them to work providing health care in our communities.

Unless I am mistaken, however, the Liberal foreign-worker incentive won’t take doctors out of taxi cabs and place them in hospitals. There must be some other rationale for the Liberal policy. We’re just waiting for the Liberal campaign to provide it.

This leads to my second point of confusion: Why are the Liberals spending so much time talking about an unpopular policy they cannot explain? This isn’t the first time in history that an ill-conceived, unpopular policy has slipped into someone’s election platform. Wise campaign strategy would be to downplay the mistake and move on. Don’t escalate the crisis because hubris prevents the backroom operatives who drafted the foreign-worker policy from admitting their mistake.

Nonetheless, the foreign workers’ incentive remains the number one message being pushed by Liberal campaign spokespeople. Liberal material posted online and being pushed to reporters is predominantly about foreign workers. The repetition and consistency reveal a deliberate effort to push foreign workers to the exclusion of pretty much everything else. Whether by design or by refusal to admit an error, the central Liberal campaign has decided to make foreign workers the centrepiece of its strategy. 

We will see if the strategy holds. I suspect that, over the next few days, Liberal headquarters will be deluged with phone calls from candidates and volunteers in the field, begging to switch away from the one-track foreign-workers message.

The plan to base a four-week campaign on affirmative action for foreign workers cannot possibly succeed. Until the Liberal leadership realizes this, Mr. McGuinty won’t be able to drive any other messages.

Response from Jeffrey Ferrier, former communications director for the Ontario NDP:

Guy talks about confusion. It’s an apt word to describe how I feel about the election campaign’s first day.

On the one hand, you have the PC Party attacking McGuinty for an immigration policy plank that is similar to a private member’s bill Hudak championed not too long ago. On the other hand, you have the Liberals attacking Hudak as a xenophobe, when that private member’s bill the Liberals gleefully point to shows that’s simply untrue.

Why is this happening? It’s all party strategy. The Liberals and PCs are trying to squeak to a majority government through micro-targeting and voter suppression. It’s a one-two punch mastered by the likes of Karl Rove. First you target a small number of swing voters you feel you need to win. You target your communication at them. Ads. Flyers. Direct mail. Fund-raising. Everything. Bring them onto your side. Then mercilessly slag your opponents to try and make their supporters stay home. Hurray democracy!

That’s why you see Hudak focused on taxes (a top-of-mind issue for centre-right Liberal-PC swing voters) and why they’re playing the “taxman” and “affirmative action” cards on McGuinty. It also explains the Liberals playing the “Tea Party Tim” card. It’s also why McGuinty is spending so much time attacking Andrea Horwath on the campaign trail. A Liberal victory will require them to win back many of the centre-left voters that are coming over to Horwath and the NDP.

If there’s one piece of good news from the campaign’s first day, it’s that one leader and one party have decided to do things differently. Horwath and her New Democrat team are taking a different path. They are making a positive appeal for change to all Ontarians, that we can make life more affordable for families if we just put people first. I’m glad to see her shrugging off the attacks and instead focusing on the solutions she and her party are advancing.

Today, Horwath will be in Northern Ontario to speak about her plan to attract jobs and investment to this part of the province, and to give the people who live there more of a say over decisions that affect their lives. She has indicated more policy planks are on the way, including education and more details about plans to get more Ontarians working and our economy growing by rewarding job creators.

Cynical politics as usual versus a different approach that puts people and positive solutions first. It will be interesting to see which approach voters choose on October 6.

What does each party have to do to win the election?

Progressive Conservatives:

To finish in a position to deliver change (in other words, to win the election), the PC Party must meet three simple and related goals: stick to its message, hold fast to its plan, and remember its audience.

First, stick to the message. Change. The PC message is quite simple: After eight years of Liberal government, it’s time for change. Change from surprise taxes. Change from record spending that has not been accompanied by improved services or a plan for jobs.

“Change, change, change.” Though PC candidates tire of repeating the mantra for another four weeks, they must recognize that millions of Ontarians still have not heard the message.

Second, hold to the plan. Every election campaign presents a thousand distractions. Some diversions reflect the priorities of news reporters or interest groups; others result from political opponents trying to throw you off course. Very few of these distractions will be important to ordinary Ontarians. A winning campaign ignores the chatter and remains focused on what matters. In this case, the means focusing on the Liberal record and on [Changebook], the PC plan to deliver positive change.

Dalton McGuinty famously promised “I won’t raise your taxes” and then repeatedly did just that: raise taxes. This is a key reason why fed up voters want change. The PC Party cannot lose sight of that imperative.

Third, remember the audience. Elections are not decided by pollsters, pundits or journalists. Ordinary families - people who work hard, pay their taxes and play by the rules – will carry the day. The winning campaign must keep focused on ordinary Ontarians, regardless of pollsters’ predictions and media coverage of campaign process. Remember that during the recent federal election campaign, most polls underestimated Conservative support, and media fascination with process stories (such as the rules for press conferences) had no bearing on the final result.

- Guy Giorno, former chief of staff to Mike Harris and Stephen Harper

 

Liberals:

The challenge that Premier Dalton McGuinty faces is making his experience a positive as his opponents seek to portray that same experience as a reason for change.

The Ontario Liberal party is in a very different position this campaign – like in 2003 and 2007 they are trailing in the run up to the vote. However, a trove of political talent is not running again and they must defend their record instead of simply pointing to the previous Harris/Eves administration’s record.

The Liberal Platform is built on past achievements and is narrowly focused on 45 commitments which target middle-class and family voters. The platform, and the recent advertisements which have the Premier talking about “tough choices,” will not inspire Daltonmania, but rather a choice on a tested leader versus a new one.

A third majority government will not be a cake walk. They will have to fight a battle on two fronts, while defending their record and trying to ward off the change vote. They also need to get the right votes in the right places.

Fighting on two fronts:

The Ontario Liberal Party is, for the first time in recent history, fighting a real fight on both sides of the political spectrum. The center vote is being chased by all three parties – with the Ontario NDP and the PC Party of Ontario both trying to occupy space which has traditionally been the Liberal party’s domain. 

Whether one looks at the Toronto mayor’s race, or the results of the recent Federal election, one can clearly see what happens when the NDP vote rises while the Conservative vote is solid – it aids in the election of Conservatives. The Liberals need to sell their record on the environment, green energy, and the reduction of tuition costs for post secondary education, to form a strategic voting scenario (where left votes will come to them). This is particularly crucial in the suburban parts of the GTA where the prospects of NDP winning seats is low, however, the prospect of NDP voters inadvertently electing conservatives is very high.

Defending their record:

The Premier has hedged his bets that Ontarians will think that the Province is a better place today than it was in 2003. This assumes that people remember politics in Ontario prior to 2003 while also believing the government’s progress reports.

The record is sound – more hospitals, doctors and nurses, no disruptions in schools service (labour peace!), smaller class sizes, better graduation rates, and more students attending post-secondary education. The party has been touting their successes with third party endorsers for the past year. The question is have people been paying attention and do people believe it. 

Warding off the change vote:

Both the NDP and the PC party are portraying themselves as the “change” party.The opinion polls have shown this number to be very high which should be of concern to the Liberals.

The Liberal party needs to drive their message that change for the sake of change is not the way forward. Further, they need to sell the Premier’s leadership experience versus the untested leadership abilities of their opponents.

Getting the right votes in the right places:

Where the Ontario Liberals' votes are located will decide the outcome of the election. So will be their ability to get out the vote.

Toronto and the 905 region will be vitally important. Of 107 seats, 22 are in the 905 area code and 23 are in the 416 area code. I strongly believe that the performance of Rob Ford will motivate voters in the 416. The mayor’s popularity has been weaning, and voters may ask themselves if the Tory hat-trick (Ford, Harper, Hudak) is something that is positive for Toronto.

The Ontario Liberal party needs to motivate their base and then make sure they get out their vote – particularly in Toronto. Liberal supporters need a reason to get to the polling stations, particularly since the PC party and the NDP have traditionally been much better at motivating their vote. 

Path to Victory:

The path for victory is not going to be an easy one. All three parties will have to make their cases to the electorate, but more, be able to capture their attention. The Premier has an advantage he needs to use – he is the Premier, he has a record of accomplishment, in this time of global economic instability change may just not be the right course of action and the hat trick of 3 conservative governments may not be popular.

What is sure is the Ontario Liberal party needs to get more votes, in the right places, than the other guys.

- Erika Mozes, former senior adviser to George Smitherman and Gerard Kennedy

 

NDP:

What do New Democrats need to do to win? First, let’s establish what exactly their goal is in this election.

Andrea Horwath is running to become Premier. She wants to earn the public’s trust, form the government, create a cabinet and implement an election platform that’s focused on making Ontario a province of greater prosperity, equality, and generosity.

This is a new approach for the NDP. In the more recent past, the party was content to be a strong representational force. Not this time. Their goal is government.

What will Horwath and her New Democrat team be up against?

Tim Hudak and Dalton McGuinty will say voters don’t have a choice. They will say Ontarians can only select what’s behind the blue door and what’s behind the red door. They have to choose more of the same broken politics that have dominated Queen’s Park for the last 15 years.

To win this election, Horwath and her NDP team must prove Hudak and McGuinty wrong. New Democrats have to convince voters they do have a choice. They can do things differently. They can say no to the old way of doing things and choose the orange door. They can elect an NDP government.

To accomplish this goal, Horwath must persistently and passionately talk about her message of bringing change that puts people first.

Let’s look at the substance of her message.

On cost of living: That together we can provide relief for families by removing the HST from essentials like hydro, home heating fuel and gas.

On jobs: That together we can create good jobs for families by cutting small business taxes and rewarding job creators instead of tax giveaways to banks and insurance companies.

On health care: That together we can give seniors more support to live in their own homes and cut emergency room wait times in half if we get our priorities straight and make the right choices .

That’s change New Democrats are convinced people can believe in.

Horwath’s approach is also important. These last few weeks, we have seen Canadians express a desire, no, a determination and resolve to bring more civility to politics. Rather than run an old-style campaign focused on name-calling, negative attacks and manufactured outrage, New Democrats would do well to stick to the high road. Don’t oppose. Propose. This approach served the federal NDP well in the recent federal election. It would serve Horwath and her team well too.

What about this being Horwath’s first election? While it is true McGuinty enters this election with the advantage of it his fourth election, Horwath is no untested rookie. She has 20 years’ experience as a community organizer, city councillor at rough-and-tumble Hamilton City Hall, and an MPP. Don’t let her smile and charm fool you. She is a tough, experienced and determined leader. These qualities will serve her well during the campaign. So will her sense of humour and ability to connect with ordinary people.

What does Horwath have going for her?

Folks who know Horwath like her. Headed into the election, Horwath is the most liked provincial leader. Latest polls show she has the highest leader approval ratings. And under her leadership, the party’s popular support has steadily increased to the mid-20s. That’s the highest the NDP has been in the polls headed into an election since Gary Leeman scored 50 goals for the Maple Leafs, and Patrick Swayze and Demi Moore heated up the big screen in “Ghost.” Horwath has an energized and inspired grassroots behind her. And she’s riding the wave of the federal orange crush, where the NDP won or came second in 56 Ontario ridings.

But for most Ontarians, Horwath remains unknown. The NDP needs to change that if it hopes to form the next provincial government.

Will that be a hard slog? It sure will be.

The NDP has less money than its opponents who raise big money from corporate donors thanks to Ontario’s election finance laws. The New Democrats will also have to fight for media attention. News outlets are important channels for communicating with key audiences. Getting covered is a struggle for all third parties in elections, even when the polls are close. Ms. Horwath will also have to show poise when responding to attacks from her opponents, who will no doubt try to drive her off her message of positive change.

Will Horwath succeed? Voters will decide on October 6. But this much is certain. This time, in this election, the race is wide open. New Democrats are in the game. And they’re in it to win.

And why? Star writer Jim Coyle sums it up well. “[Horwath’s] a new kind of leader, largely bereft of ego, in politics not to make a career of it but to serve.”

- Jeffrey Ferrier, former communications director for the Ontario NDP